April
13, 2014
Crimea:
Past, Present, and Future
Civil
unrest. Democracy verses tyranny. The ever-present struggle remains
the deciding factor in the world's latest conflict, the Crimean
rebellion. Pro-Russian Crimean rebels have taken over the government
buildings in the capitol of Crimea, and, as an ally of the Ukraine,
it may seem that the United States should intervene to “save”
Crimea. However, a wise decision would be to think before you act,
then act with prudence. The outcome of the struggle must be
determined by the Crimean citizens. In this case, the Crimean people
may think us presumptuous to interfere of our own accord; perhaps we
are hindering their true wishes. Also, history often holds the key
to first-glance pandemonium. So first we will examine the history of
the area, then consider the possible wishes of the Crimean people,
explore why an intervention would be imprudent, and determine if
action will maintain positive relations with Russia and the Ukraine.
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| Map of Crimea Courtesy of lonelyplanet.com |
Russia
first annexed the Crimea in 1779, a decade after having defeated the
Ottoman Turks, later exiling all the Muslims to nearby countries like
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Crimea remained a part of the Russian
Czarist Empire, and incidentally transferred to the Soviet Union,
becoming part of the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federation of Socialist
Republics) in 1917. Secretary Nikita Krushchev supposedly gave it to
Ukraine in 1954 as a present on the 300th anniversary of
the past union of Ukraine and the Russian Empire back in 1654. Some
historians also propose that Krushchev gave Crimea to Ukraine because
the two were close culturally and economically. Still other
historians think those theories are invalid, for logical reasons, and
that Krushchev gave the Crimea away to solidify relations between the
Russian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Ukranian Soviet Socialist
Republic (Calamur). Whatever the reason, the Crimean Peninsula
remained a part of the free country of Ukraine after the collapse of
the Soviet Union.
Apparently,
some Russians think that the “gift” of Crimea was a political
mistake on the part of Krushchev. I would happen to agree with them.
Current President of Russia Vladimir Putin said, “In people's
hearts and minds, Crimea has always been an inseparable part of
Russia.” (Walker). He is partially right because Crimea was an
influential part of Russia, providing the Russian port and naval base
Sevastopol, on the Black Sea. Also, Crimea is culturally more
Russian in heritage than Ukrainian. About 60% of the current
population is Russian. In my opinion, the re-uniting of Russia and
Crimea was inevitable, because of the Russian heritage and influence
in the area. It seems that the Crimean people are content with this
outcome.
Still,
American leaders think that this kind of reunion with Russia is
outrageous. Barack Obama is working to ensure that Crimea and
Ukraine stay together. He believes that in the name of democracy,
the U.S. and other NATO countries should intervene to keep Crimea
liberated. Is this what the Crimean people want?
To
fully understand the supposed significance of this “crisis,” you
must employ sufficient knowledge of the origin and treaty of NATO.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was founded in 1949, when a
group of 12 nations from the UN came together to draft a treaty for
an alliance of nations specifically in the North Atlantic region.
The original twelve members were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France,
Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the
United Kingdom, and the United States. Greece and Turkey joined in
1952, Germany in 1955, Spain in 1982, the Czech Republic, Hungary,
and Poland in 1999, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia in 2004, and Albania and Croatia in 2009.
(NATO)
Wait a
minute. Ukraine is not on the list of member nations in the NATO
treaty? Even though Ukraine is an ally of the United States, we are
not bound by treaty to defend it. Second, the issue does not affect
America or endanger our borders. Therefore, we should not intervene,
but leave the Crimean populous to choose if they want to become part
of Russia again. Third, a free election was held for Crimeans to
voice their decision on the issue, and they voted to join Russia.
The U.S. should remain neutral on this one.
That
doesn't mean that we should completely abandon Ukraine. In 2009,
President Obama confirmed that he would uphold the 1994 Budapest
Memorandum on Security Assurances, basically a pledge that the U.S.,
U.K., and Russia would “Respect the sovereignty and the existing
borders of Ukraine” (Arend). This treaty also promises that,
“Ukraine, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America will
consult in the event a situation arises that raises a question
concerning these commitments” (Arend). In other words, we three
nations are supposed to respect Ukraine, and if anyone encroaches on
Ukraine the other parties should point out the disrespectful conduct
at a UN Security Council meeting. But we do not promise to protect
the Ukraine with force in that treaty, so support should be limited
to the treaty's paramiters.
You
knew this question was coming. Do the Crimeans want us to
intervene? Pushing a rescue of Crimea could cause them to think that
we have an interest in their territory or politics, which we don't.
Our current stance is increasing the already gaping crevice in our
relations with Russia. Basically, just like Theodore Roosevelt's
“world policeman” foreign policy toward the Central and South
American countries fostered feelings of enmity, our presumption that
everyone wants our help will multiply negative responses from Eastern
Europe and Russia.
Another
reason to remain autonomous in this international argument is that
first we must investigate the constitutionality of such an
intervention. Congress (the Senate) has the authority to declare
war, not the President. Reading Section Eight of the Constitution,
it states that, “The Congress shall have Power To.....declare War,
grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning
Captures on Land and Water; to raise and support Armies...to provide
and maintain a Navy; to make Rules for the Government and Regulation
of the land and naval Forces,” among other privileges. So the
Senate has the power to make these decisions. If President Obama
were to try to recapture Crimea for Ukraine, it would be
unconstitutional. I also believe many of Obama's sanctions on
Russian diplomats are a misuse of executive orders, exemplified by
his newest executive order giving him power to freeze the assets
(private property) of anyone who speaks out against Crimean
independence.
The
last reason, but certainly not the least, is our economic capacity.
This reason hinders any attempted action on the part of the United
States. As of last October, US debt had risen to a monstrous 17
trillion dollars, (Dinan) and that is not even the major issue.
Hundreds of thousands of people who are and will receive funds from
federal programs like Social Security and Medicare would obviously
expect to receive those in the future. This creates a monstrous
unfunded federal liability. Burdened by these social debts, the
Federal Government does not have funds to spare. Past experiences,
like when president Lyndon Johnson tried to maintain his Great
Society domestically and support troops inVietnam, have proven
that a nation “cannot have both guns and butter”.
To
further clarify, let me summarize my position. Russia has annexed
Crimea. The US does not need to defend Crimea because first, it
wanted to be reunited with Russia, and second, it was and is more
culturally and economically similar to Russia. Also, Congress is not
making any move to declare war on Russia, and the President does not
have power to do so. Finally, America cannot afford to defy an
inevitable situation. Despite the seemingly innocent annexation of
Crimea, Americans should not become naive and blind to other
scenarios. World War II began with a pacifist mentality that later
developed into a massive security threat. If a situation were to
arise in which Vladimir Putin tried to annex any other Eastern
European territory, we need to remain on our guard.
By
Liz Ann Berg
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