Crimea: Past, Present, and Future

April 13, 2014

Crimea: Past, Present, and Future

Civil unrest. Democracy verses tyranny. The ever-present struggle remains the deciding factor in the world's latest conflict, the Crimean rebellion. Pro-Russian Crimean rebels have taken over the government buildings in the capitol of Crimea, and, as an ally of the Ukraine, it may seem that the United States should intervene to “save” Crimea. However, a wise decision would be to think before you act, then act with prudence. The outcome of the struggle must be determined by the Crimean citizens. In this case, the Crimean people may think us presumptuous to interfere of our own accord; perhaps we are hindering their true wishes. Also, history often holds the key to first-glance pandemonium. So first we will examine the history of the area, then consider the possible wishes of the Crimean people, explore why an intervention would be imprudent, and determine if action will maintain positive relations with Russia and the Ukraine.

Map of Crimea Courtesy of lonelyplanet.com

Russia first annexed the Crimea in 1779, a decade after having defeated the Ottoman Turks, later exiling all the Muslims to nearby countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Crimea remained a part of the Russian Czarist Empire, and incidentally transferred to the Soviet Union, becoming part of the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federation of Socialist Republics) in 1917. Secretary Nikita Krushchev supposedly gave it to Ukraine in 1954 as a present on the 300^th anniversary of the past union of Ukraine and the Russian Empire back in 1654. Some historians also propose that Krushchev gave Crimea to Ukraine because the two were close culturally and economically. Still other historians think those theories are invalid, for logical reasons, and that Krushchev gave the Crimea away to solidify relations between the Russian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Ukranian Soviet Socialist Republic (Calamur). Whatever the reason, the Crimean Peninsula remained a part of the free country of Ukraine after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Apparently, some Russians think that the “gift” of Crimea was a political mistake on the part of Krushchev. I would happen to agree with them. Current President of Russia Vladimir Putin said, “In people's hearts and minds, Crimea has always been an inseparable part of Russia.” (Walker). He is partially right because Crimea was an influential part of Russia, providing the Russian port and naval base Sevastopol, on the Black Sea. Also, Crimea is culturally more Russian in heritage than Ukrainian. About 60% of the current population is Russian. In my opinion, the re-uniting of Russia and Crimea was inevitable, because of the Russian heritage and influence in the area. It seems that the Crimean people are content with this outcome.

Still, American leaders think that this kind of reunion with Russia is outrageous. Barack Obama is working to ensure that Crimea and Ukraine stay together. He believes that in the name of democracy, the U.S. and other NATO countries should intervene to keep Crimea liberated. Is this what the Crimean people want?

To fully understand the supposed significance of this “crisis,” you must employ sufficient knowledge of the origin and treaty of NATO. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization was founded in 1949, when a group of 12 nations from the UN came together to draft a treaty for an alliance of nations specifically in the North Atlantic region. The original twelve members were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Greece and Turkey joined in 1952, Germany in 1955, Spain in 1982, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland in 1999, Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in 2004, and Albania and Croatia in 2009. (NATO)

Wait a minute. Ukraine is not on the list of member nations in the NATO treaty? Even though Ukraine is an ally of the United States, we are not bound by treaty to defend it. Second, the issue does not affect America or endanger our borders. Therefore, we should not intervene, but leave the Crimean populous to choose if they want to become part of Russia again. Third, a free election was held for Crimeans to voice their decision on the issue, and they voted to join Russia. The U.S. should remain neutral on this one.

That doesn't mean that we should completely abandon Ukraine. In 2009, President Obama confirmed that he would uphold the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances, basically a pledge that the U.S., U.K., and Russia would “Respect the sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine” (Arend). This treaty also promises that, “Ukraine, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America will consult in the event a situation arises that raises a question concerning these commitments” (Arend). In other words, we three nations are supposed to respect Ukraine, and if anyone encroaches on Ukraine the other parties should point out the disrespectful conduct at a UN Security Council meeting. But we do not promise to protect the Ukraine with force in that treaty, so support should be limited to the treaty's paramiters.

You knew this question was coming. Do the Crimeans want us to intervene? Pushing a rescue of Crimea could cause them to think that we have an interest in their territory or politics, which we don't. Our current stance is increasing the already gaping crevice in our relations with Russia. Basically, just like Theodore Roosevelt's “world policeman” foreign policy toward the Central and South American countries fostered feelings of enmity, our presumption that everyone wants our help will multiply negative responses from Eastern Europe and Russia.

Another reason to remain autonomous in this international argument is that first we must investigate the constitutionality of such an intervention. Congress (the Senate) has the authority to declare war, not the President. Reading Section Eight of the Constitution, it states that, “The Congress shall have Power To.....declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; to raise and support Armies...to provide and maintain a Navy; to make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces,” among other privileges. So the Senate has the power to make these decisions. If President Obama were to try to recapture Crimea for Ukraine, it would be unconstitutional. I also believe many of Obama's sanctions on Russian diplomats are a misuse of executive orders, exemplified by his newest executive order giving him power to freeze the assets (private property) of anyone who speaks out against Crimean independence.

The last reason, but certainly not the least, is our economic capacity. This reason hinders any attempted action on the part of the United States. As of last October, US debt had risen to a monstrous 17 trillion dollars, (Dinan) and that is not even the major issue. Hundreds of thousands of people who are and will receive funds from federal programs like Social Security and Medicare would obviously expect to receive those in the future. This creates a monstrous unfunded federal liability. Burdened by these social debts, the Federal Government does not have funds to spare. Past experiences, like when president Lyndon Johnson tried to maintain his Great Society domestically and support troops inVietnam, have proven that a nation “cannot have both guns and butter”.

To further clarify, let me summarize my position. Russia has annexed Crimea. The US does not need to defend Crimea because first, it wanted to be reunited with Russia, and second, it was and is more culturally and economically similar to Russia. Also, Congress is not making any move to declare war on Russia, and the President does not have power to do so. Finally, America cannot afford to defy an inevitable situation. Despite the seemingly innocent annexation of Crimea, Americans should not become naive and blind to other scenarios. World War II began with a pacifist mentality that later developed into a massive security threat. If a situation were to arise in which Vladimir Putin tried to annex any other Eastern European territory, we need to remain on our guard.

                                                                                                                           By Liz Ann Berg

Bibliography

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